By Michèle Lamont, Laurent Thévenot
This e-book presents a strong new theoretical framework for knowing cross-national cultural variations. Researchers from France and the United States current 8 comparative case stories to illustrate how the folk of those diverse cultures mobilize nationwide "repertoires of assessment" to make judgments approximately politics, economics, morals and aesthetics. This technique is going past essentialist types of nationwide personality to match various attitudes on subject matters starting from racism and sexual harrassment to id politics, publishing, journalism, the humanities and the surroundings. The e-book will attract sociologists, political scientists and anthropologists alike.
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Extra info for Rethinking Comparative Cultural Sociology: Repertoires of Evaluation in France and the United States
Finally, for a discussion of the influence of the framework on institutional economics and so-called “economics of conventions”, see Revue économique, 1989; in English, see Storper and Salais 1997 and, for a review of this literature, see Wilkinson 1997. This larger research agenda discusses the actors’ competencies to shift among a plurality of regimes of action and engagement that do not always encompass a reference to the common good. It is notably the case for the regime of love as agapè (Boltanski 1990), the regime governing planned agency and the functional treatment of the environment (Thévenot 1990b, 1995b), and the regime shaped by familiar acquaintance with a customized human and material environment (Thévenot 1994, 1996c).
Finally, they more readily use explicitly particularistic criteria to demonstrate the superiority of their own group as is the case when Larry affirms the superiority of blacks because of their physical resilience linked to their unique experience of domination. 38 Michèle Lamont THE RHETORIC OF RACISM AND ANTI-RACISM IN FRANCE French racism Like Americans, French interviewees justify their racism by (1) drawing racial and moral boundaries simultaneously, based on perceived group differences in work ethic, responsibility, and self-sufficiency; and (2) arguing that racism is a universal human trait.
One of the unsurprising findings of our collective project is that market-based arguments are more often used in the United States than in France. This is evident in the rhetoric of racism and anti-racism studied by Lamont. Drawing on interviews, she demonstrates that American racists and non-racists alike often draw on market performance to show that racial groups are unequal or equal. The centrality of market arguments is also evident in other chapters. For instance, when Saguy interviews French and American feminists to document their attitudes toward sexual harassment, she finds that American feminists are more likely to denounce it because it affects women’s equal access to the labor market.