Pindar: Pythian Eleven by P. J. Finglass
By P. J. Finglass
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Additional info for Pindar: Pythian Eleven
Sample text
So in his Opus Novum de Emendatione Temporum, Scaliger () pointed to evidence provided by S P. and P. , which, because they used both the Olympic and Pythiad chronologies, allow us to draw conclusions about the value of the latter. By the third edition of this book (() , published after his death I N T RO D U C T I O N in ), he had added references to Eusebius and S O. Scaliger’s work led to a consensus which lasted almost unchallenged until , when Boeckh (in his commentary, vol.
Cf. also Burnett () – on the myth in another ode: ‘those who write about Nemean report, almost to a man, that in the Phokos passage Pindar . . treats a supremely reprehensible crime which must elicit horror and moral indignation from any listener. Yet . . the sung words contain no syllable that condemns Peleus or Telamon, nor any that supplies Phokos with a positive aspect’. For the malleability of myth in Pindar see further Huxley () –, K¨ohnken ( ) . Cf. Crotty () , for whom Orestes in P.
According to this view, the myth is employed not to discourage Thrasydaeus’ family from attempting to set up a tyranny, but to juxtapose the unhappy state of the tyrant and the fortunate condition of the victor. The ode is thus not a political pamphlet, but (in best Bundyan style) a poem aimed at glorifying the laudandus, and the myth contributes to this purpose by means of contrast. It presents the evil effects of tyranny in the house of Atreus, whereas the rest of the poem, through its praise for the middle estate and condemnation of tyranny (–), clearly but unobtrusively suggests the way of life preferred by Thrasydaeus and his family.