The Political Economy of the Southern African Periphery: by Betty J. Harris
By Betty J. Harris
This quantity locations Swazi ladies staff within the context of the area procedure on the international, local and native degrees. problems with race, type and gender are tested through comparative and socio-historical tools. The features and attitudes of Swazi textiles employees in cottage industries and factories are thought of. comparability of those cloth staff illuminates the method of stratification of the feminine labour strength in Lesotho, South Africa and Europe. the writer has released articles in "Presence Africaine", "Frontiers", "Native American tradition" and "Research Journal".
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Sample text
By the late 1970s, they made up seventy per cent of the labour force. 9s The peak of white worker employment due to the 'civilised labour' policy was in 1933-34 when they comprised forty-seven per cent of the textile labour force. 96 Before concluding this period, the status of SACU will be considered vis-a-vis other developments in the South African political economy. In 1925, the Pact government decided to levy customs tariffs against certain classes of imports. 97 The British protectorates became members of its currency exchange control unit.
3s The major disadvantage of SACU's inception was their inability to increase revenues derived from the customs pool. With the full-scale emergence of secondary industrialisation, protective legislation was passed to ensure the sector's successful development. Restrictions were made on exports from the British protectorates to avoid their competition with South African goods. This affected mining and agriculture. However, Swaziland exported tin ore and raw gold; Bechuanaland (Botswana), gold; Basutoland (Lesotho), wool and mohair and the agricultural crops wheat, maize and sorghum exclusively to South Africa.
8 per cent, with the bulk of the work being in textiles and food processing. Until recently, domestic service was still the predominant sector.