Philosophy, The Federalist, and the Constitution by Morton White

Philosophy, The Federalist, and the Constitution by Morton White

By Morton White

Right here, Morton White offers the 1st synoptic view of the key philosophical principles within the Federalist. utilizing the instruments of philosophy and highbrow heritage, White extracts and examines the interlocking conception of information, doctrine of normative ethics, psychology of motivation, or even metaphysics and theology, all of which have been utilized in various levels by way of the founding fathers in safety of the structure.

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On the other hand, a philosophical historian of ideas—unlike those running readers of 1787 who snapped up issues of The Independent Journal, The New York Packet, The Daily Advertiser, or The New-York Journal and Daily Patriotic Register—has a right, and even a duty, to say something about the doctrine of natural law and of natural rights as that was understood by Publius. For this reason, I want to give a brief account of what the authors of The Federalist believed about natural rights and natural law, however glancingly they may have dealt with these matters in their very practical work.

In accepting this definition, Hume implied that any statement in which we attribute "a blemish, a fault, a vice, a crime" is synonymous with a statement which asserts that something gives a spectator the painful sentiment of disapprobation. The most important thing about Hume's definition from our point of view is that it converts a statement about the virtue or moral criminality of an action into a statement about a spectator's sentiment, and that is why Hume's view may be regarded as inconsistent with what appears to be Publius's view of ethical statements.

In that number Madison compares this anarchy with that in a state of nature, where the weaker individual, as opposed to the weaker group in civilized society, is not secured against the stronger. "8 And when Madison goes on to say in Number 51 that a majority faction in a small, nonfederal republic will be prompted by an uncertainty like that of a strong individual in a state of nature "to wish for a government which will protect all parties, the weaker as well as the more powerful," Madison seems to exploit an analogue of a Lockeian idea in order to buttress his own idea that majority factions will be 28 THEORY OF KNOWLEDGE induced to seek an extended federal republic which will prevent majority factions themselves from forming and oppressing others.

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