Kazakhstan: Power and the Elite by Sally Cummings
By Sally Cummings
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Extra info for Kazakhstan: Power and the Elite
Sample text
79 Kokshetau had been the former head of the now abolished province. Kokshetau was partly chosen because it housed the Ministry of Ecology. The majority of ministries had relocated by 1999 to Astana from Almaty. Official motives for this decision emphasized how Almaty is both situated in an earthquake zone and unable to expand physically because of adjacent mountains. Most unofficial explanations linked the move to a desire to increase the government’s hold on the northern regions and thereby the territorial integrity of the state, as well as to direct the process of internal migration, particularly the encouragement of ethnic Kazakhs to move to the northern regions.
In the immediate term, the reaction of Kazakhstan to security threats, as with other states, has been to close borders and tighten security. Despite short-term temptations to become self-reliant and self-protective, Kazakhstan nevertheless continued to cooperate with outside powers. In particular it participated in the cooperation between China and Russia. The Shanghai Five, comprising the five states on the former Soviet-Chinese border (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, China and Russia), was enlarged in June 2001 to include Uzbekistan and its functions expanded to include cooperation on regional security threats.
Between 1998 and 2001, while politically we saw the onset of repression and the management of elites, stagnation began in privatization. A�er all, by 1997, Kazakhstan had come to enjoy the highest per capita foreign direct investment of all post-communist states a�er Hungary. The period of political elite infighting described in the previous section came at a time of unprecedented economic growth for Kazakhstan. In 2000, for the first time, Kazakhstan registered a budget surplus; part of the justification for the mass privatization programme had been to close the budget deficit.