Wandering Poets in Ancient Greek Culture: Travel, Locality by Richard Hunter, Ian Rutherford

Wandering Poets in Ancient Greek Culture: Travel, Locality by Richard Hunter, Ian Rutherford

By Richard Hunter, Ian Rutherford

Even if contemporary scholarship has enthusiastic about the city-state because the context for the creation of Greek poetry, for poets and performers trip was once extra the norm than the exception. This publication strains this imperative element of old tradition from its roots within the close to jap societies which preceded the Greeks, throughout the approach within which early semi-mythical figures similar to Orpheus have been imagined, the poets who travelled to the intense courts of archaic tyrants, and on into the fluid mobility of imperial and overdue vintage tradition. The emphasis is either on why poets travelled, and on how neighborhood groups used the abilities of those outsiders for his or her personal reasons. Wandering poets also are set in the wider context of historic networks of trade, patronage and association among groups and are obvious as one fairly robust manifestation of a characteristic of old lifestyles that's too usually neglected.

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Additional info for Wandering Poets in Ancient Greek Culture: Travel, Locality and Pan-Hellenism

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The t ransport of god s and per formers The process of calling a ‘Cyprian’ god from Crete to Lesbos provides textual evidence from the first millennium to complement archaeological material which shows that gods, or at least their statues, were being transported from one location to another in the second millennium. Two Near Eastern bronze ‘smiting gods’, for example, were found in the Mycenaean site of Phylakopi on Melos, along with the bearded ‘Lady of Phylakopi’, who Elizabeth French suggests was imported from the Argolid32 and whom I cannot resist comparing to the bearded Ishtar.

And trans. Dardano 2006: 22–3, and also see trans. Hoffner in Hallo and Younger 2002: 69). On the poetic technique employed see Watkins 1995: 144–7. Lefkowitz 1981. Texts and translations of sources on his life are conveniently collected by Kovacs 1994. Lefkowitz 1981: 103–4 is sceptical, and cf. above p. 12. Herington 1986: 29. , for the history of the study of this inscription. 43 See K¨ Haldane 1963. appel 1992: 63 on the re-directing of the paean towards Asclepius. 34 mary r. 1 obv. 51 Thus, the possibility of diplomatic ramifications to the introduction and subsequent elevation of its god, although not recorded in the texts, should not be ignored.

364 b, e), and see further Burkert 1983. As Burkert’s focus is purification and 23 24 mary r. bachvarova transmission could have been possible in the Orientalising Period within Greek territory. However, despite the manifest influence of Near Eastern religion and literature on Greek culture, especially Greek epic, made clear by the pioneering works of Burkert and West,4 the mechanism by which literature from the Near East reached Greece has not been well studied. Moreover, one can push back the date of possible transmission to Greece of many of the practices that Burkert cites from Mesopotamian sources, and many scholars working on contact between East and West have become more open to considering Anatolia, along with the Levant, as a key locus in which contact could have occurred;5 so too, some Homeric scholars, such as Latacz, have returned to the point of view espoused by Page,6 that Homeric poetry, whose roots lie in the Mycenaean age, may reflect – albeit in a very distorted mirror – the very interactions between Anatolians and Greeks in the second millennium that can also be detected in the records from the multilingual archives of Hattusa (modern-day Bo˘gazk¨oy), the capital of the multi-cultural Hittite empire in central Anatolia.

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